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Family First: On the Struggles of Familial Medical Clearances

The barriers to entry to the Foreign Service start off high and do not taper off. Individuals pass through written exams, oral examinations, security clearances, and medical (or MED) clearances. Even once an officer has joined the Foreign Service, the hurdles to the career do not stop. Restrictions apply to an officer’s family as well.

American Sign Language Alphabet (2004), Darren Stone, WikiMedia Commons
American Sign Language Alphabet (2004), Darren Stone, WikiMedia Commons

Namely, each accompanying family member must have the ability to pass medical clearances ensuring that they can suitably live at an overseas posting to be able to travel officially for the U.S. government.

For Margaret Dean, the bureaucratic hurdles of the requirements for overseas posting came to light with the adoption of her daughter, Andrea. Despite a long-standing career in the Foreign Service and the previous birth of her two boys, Dean faced the stressful task of ensuring medical clearance for her whole family, as Foreign Service Officers may only travel with cleared family members—or face going to post unaccompanied. After a long and difficult bout with meningitis as an infant, Andrea lost her hearing and the worldwide medical clearance that would be needed to live overseas for any posting her mother might receive.

Margaret Dean entered her career in the Foreign Service while posted in Tel Aviv, Israel with her then-husband, an officer himself. After her husband’s death, Dean remained in the Foreign Service, working primarily as an Economic Officer and in human resources. She would later go on to lead the redesign of the Foreign Service entrance examination procedures as Staff Director of the Board of Examiners.

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The Foreign Service at War (Part 2): Rice, Roads, and Winning Hearts and Minds

“Winning hearts and minds” is at the very core of diplomacy. Sometimes that takes place in an embassy or a foreign ministry. Very rarely does it take place in the jungle and on the frontline of a warzone. But that is exactly where Kenneth Quinn found himself as a first-tour Foreign Service Officer in South Vietnam.

IR8 Rice. International Rice Research Institute photo archive
IR8 Rice. International Rice Research Institute photo archive

The Vietnam War was a different kind of war. Not only was the Viet Cong insurgency able to appear almost anywhere, they often had the backing of small villages and hamlets scattered throughout South Vietnam. To counter them, U.S. and South Vietnamese forces tried to win back villages with a “hearts and minds” strategy.

For future Ambassador Kenneth Quinn, this meant trudging through the jungle to thatch roofs, deliver IR-8 rice, and lay asphalt. By enabling the Vietnamese people to harvest and then transport more bountiful rice crops, Ambassador Quinn saw first hand the connection between Vietnamese citizens’ wellbeing and the war effort.

In this “moment” in U.S. diplomatic history, Ambassador Kenneth Quinn recounts why bags of rice were as valuable as M16s and why the Viet Cong’s biggest enemy just may have been a Nebraskan scientist named Hank Beachell.

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The Foreign Service at War (Part 1): A Diplomat on the Frontline in Vietnam

For U.S. Foreign Service Officers during the Vietnam War, an assignment to South Vietnam was unlike any other. For some, it was seen as a death sentence. For others, it was a chance to make a real, immediate difference in the world. For Ambassador Kenneth Quinn, it was very nearly both of those things.

Ambassador Kenneth Quinn in Vietnam on his first tour as an FSO (1968). Ambassador Kenneth Quinn Photo Archive
Ambassador Kenneth Quinn in Vietnam on his first tour as an FSO (1968). Ambassador Kenneth Quinn Photo Archive

After Viet Cong forces stormed Embassy Saigon during the Tet offensive, new FSOs waited with baited breath to hear if their first assignment would send them into the line of fire. At the end of A-100 (the orientation course for incoming FSOs) in D.C., newly minted Foreign Service Officers are read aloud their first assignments. With every announcement made by the course director in a packed auditorium, FSOs would applaud and cheer each post (“Oslo, Norway!” “Tokyo, Japan!”), but they had nothing but silence or whispers of “I’m so sorry,” to the new officers assigned to South Vietnam.

Kenneth Quinn—who would go on to become U.S. Ambassador to Cambodia—was one such young officer. He said he joined the Foreign Service with dreams of swanning about high ceilinged, chandeliered ballrooms in Vienna. Instead, his first tour of duty was to the jungles of Sa Dec Province, South Vietnam. Over the course of his service in South Vietnam, Kenneth Quinn helped to spearhead the campaign to “win hearts and minds,” led combat missions ranging from midnight ambushes to helicopter rescues, and became the only civilian during the Vietnam War to earn the U.S. Army Air Medal.

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CORDS: A New Pacification Program for Vietnam

The Vietnam War was one of the most challenging and complex conflicts of the Cold War era. As the conflict wore on, casualties rose and the American public became increasingly opposed to the war. With no end in sight, the U.S. government knew it would need a unique approach to win the war. For this reason, the government created the CORDS (Civil Operations and Revolutionary/Rural Development Support) pacification program in 1967.

           
CORDS personnel with the chief of a hamlet | Defense Technical Information Center
CORDS personnel with the chief of a hamlet | Defense Technical Information Center

Conflict in Vietnam had been brewing for years, as Viet Minh forces waged an anti-colonial war against the French. With the defeat of the French colonial regime, the U.S. became concerned about the potential spread of communism in Southeast Asia. However, after several years of war, the government wanted to develop a new approach that would ultimately allow the U.S. to exit the conflict. The government decided on a program of “Vietnamization” that would prepare South Vietnamese forces to fight the war on their own.

The previous year, the U.S. Army had commissioned a study known as “A Program for Pacification and Long-Term Development in Vietnam.” This study made it clear that in order to turn the tide, the U.S. would need to abandon the strategy of waging a war of attrition, and instead gain the trust of ordinary civilians. President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered National Security Advisor Robert Comer to create CORDS, a comprehensive pacification program that would involve the military and various civilian agencies.

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A Growing Community: The Early Days of EU Enlargement

When people think of the European Union (EU), they think of Brexit. They think of the rise of nationalism and how it will affect the future of Europe. They think of the common currency, the Euro, and the ease of inter-country traveling due to the implementation of the Schengen Area.

But how many are aware of the history of its formation?

The EU has not always resembled its current state.

European Union Flag (2019) arembowski | pixabay.com
European Union Flag (2019) arembowski | pixabay.com

After experiencing two costly world wars, European countries aimed to unite the continent economically and politically. This took the form of the European Coal and Steel Community, founded in 1950 by Belgium, France, West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands. In 1957, this union evolved into the European Economic Community (EEC), the “Common Market,” through the ratification of the Treaty of Rome. The goal of the EEC was to increase European economic integration through a common market and customs union. The following year, member states founded the European Parliament, which was initially composed of representatives elected by the national parliaments in each country.

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Chad’s Presidential Elections in 2016—“My Husband has Disappeared”

During the 2016 presidential elections in Chad, a number of Chadian military personnel went missing. Chad’s current president, Idriss Déby, was re-elected for a fifth term, having been in power since December 1990 when he led a coup d’état against Chad’s former president, Hissène Habré. President Déby also faced a number of rebellions in the beginning of his rule, after which he took steps towards establishing democracy in Chad.

Chadian woman voting during the 2016 presidential election. Une Tchadienne se fait aider à placer son bulletin dans l'urne à côté d'autres électeurs qui attendent dans un bureau de vote à N'Djamena, Tchad, 10 avril 2016 (2016) Bagassi Koura (VOA) | Wikimedia
Chadian woman voting during the 2016 presidential election. Une Tchadienne se fait aider à placer son bulletin dans l'urne à côté d'autres électeurs qui attendent dans un bureau de vote à N'Djamena, Tchad, 10 avril 2016 (2016) Bagassi Koura (VOA) | Wikimedia

In this “moment” in U.S. diplomatic history, Joyce Namde, who lived in Chad with her family in the 1980s and was Deputy Chief of Mission there 2015–2017, gives her insights on democracy and elections in Chad. Having witnessed the very coup that brought Idriss Déby to power and the events surrounding his presidential election in 2016, she emphasizes the significance of free and fair elections for democracies and the lack thereof in Chad. For the 2016 elections, Joyce Namde and the U.S. Embassy set up a monitoring operation in N’Djamena to ensure fairness of the elections. They also supported the opposition’s right to participate in the elections, and helped the detained activists and opposition get out of jail.

One of the most striking events that happened during the 2016 election was the disappearance of military personnel who voted against the current president. Joyce Namde recalls a moment when one of the embassy’s staff members said that her husband had disappeared. After a short while, and as a result of pressure from the U.S. and other embassies, the missing slowly started to return to N’Djamena.

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“Dealing with Ships is a Different World”—Maritime Difficulties in the Azores

The work of a Foreign Service Officer is rarely quiet or uneventful, and often involves navigating tricky relationships between the laws of the country in which one is posted and the interests of the United States. Adding in the rules, both written and unwritten, of the maritime world only complicates matters when an officer gets posted at a coastal site.

Ponta Delgada (2003) | Feliciano Guimarães, WikiMedia Commons
Ponta Delgada (2003) | Feliciano Guimarães, WikiMedia Commons

James McGunnigle arrived in the Portuguese-held autonomous territory of the Azores islands in 1966 as a newly-minted Foreign Service Officer. As he navigated his new career, the ports of Ponta Delgada brought unexpected challenges to his daily work. Along the coast, any number of ships from any number of countries could stop by to refuel, dock, or seek assistance. With each new arrival, the specifics could vary wildly, leaving those in the consulate to manage new issues in their wake.

In this “Moment in U.S. Diplomatic History,” McGunnigle recounts a few of his more memorable experiences with the ships that marked the coastline of his very first posting abroad. He discusses covert oil spills from docking ships and the implications of the laws of the sea with a death onboard a vessel.

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Backchannels at Home: The Relationship Between Congress and the Foreign Service

In 1979 Congress did something both bold and unusual. That year, President Carter was attempting to build a stronger relationship with mainland China to create a united front in East Asia. To do this, he planned on ending America’s defense agreement with Taiwan. However, in a total reversal, Congress took the reins on U.S. foreign policy by passing its own legislation on Taiwan and scuttled President Carter’s plan.

Senate Foreign Relations Committee in Session. National Museum of American Diplomacy. Photographer Unknown
Senate Foreign Relations Committee in Session. National Museum of American Diplomacy. Photographer Unknown

The Taiwan Relations Act strengthened America’s ties to Taiwan and fostered the relationship we continue to share today. It also displayed the immense power Congress has to set American foreign policy that lasts longer than any presidential terms. When Congress decides to take action, it is in the best interests of the Foreign Service to be part of that conversation.

Though Congress has had the ability to set foreign policy for decades, only the Executive Branch has the bureaucracy, the intelligence capabilities, and the information chains working around the clock to implement its own notions of foreign affairs. Instead of a bureaucracy, members of Congress have to rely on their own overburdened staffers or drawn out hearings to get the information they need. These congressional staffers often have high turnover rates, multiple issue areas to work on, and little to no field experience in foreign policy. This, combined with the need for consensus and compromise, makes Congress the underdog when it comes to formulating foreign policy. It also makes them eager consumers of information—information that, very often, the Foreign Service has at its disposal.

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Barranquilla Nights—Braving a Difficult Time in Colombia

Annie Pforzheimer entered the U.S. Foreign Service when she was twenty-four years old and was immediately whisked away to Barranquilla, Colombia, which at the time (1989) was a two-person post that was known for bearing witness to tremendous amounts of violence. Pforzheimer lived and worked at a time where there was extensive political turmoil as well as the ever present “drug wars” between different Colombian drug lords, both of which contributed greatly to her experience as a Foreign Service Officer (FSO) in Colombia.

Barranquilla, Colombia. Taken on March 27, 2007 by F3rn4nd0. Source: Wikimedia Commons
Barranquilla, Colombia. Taken on March 27, 2007 by F3rn4nd0. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Working as a Vice Consul issuing visas to Colombians looking to work/live in the United States, Pforzheimer’s story is an eyewitness account of Colombia during this time of unrest.

While in Barranquilla, Pforzheimer saw firsthand the effects of the “drug war” that was occurring at the time. It was deemed dangerous enough that she commuted to and from work in armored cars accompanied by armed bodyguards. She lived in a building that required more than eight different security measures to get into her apartment. She feared being kidnapped (something with which the woman whom she replaced at the Consulate had been threatened) and had to use judgement and exercise extreme caution when deciding to go out and about in the city. In fact, her protection and survival depended on such security measures because the Colombian government was fighting drug cartels and drug lords all over the country, including in Barranquilla. During Pforzheimer’s tour, the 1990 Colombian presidential election took place in the context of a long history of the tumultuous political environment of Colombia. A number of politically motivated assassinations occurred in the run up to the election, which coincided with Pforzheimer’s arrival in Barranquilla as an entry-level officer, thus introducing her to the dangers of political violence very early on in her career.

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An Exchange Program Between Japan and Michigan

Following the Allied victory in World War II and a period of U.S. occupation, the United States and Japan put relations on equal footing starting in 1952. Armed with fluent Japanese skills and in-depth knowledge in industrial relations, Professor Solomon B. Levine travelled back and forth from the United States and Japan and became a pioneer in the study of Japanese industrial and labor relations.

Ford Escorts on an Assembly Line, 1970s | Wikimedia Commons
Ford Escorts on an Assembly Line, 1970s | Wikimedia Commons

Levine made a total of twenty-seven trips to Japan with the help of government grants and funds. Interestingly, instead of a collaboration between the Japanese government and the U.S. government on a federal level, Levine was part of a state-level labor exchange program between the Shiga prefecture and Michigan.

The Shiga government wanted U.S. investment and hoped that it would come from big corporations. The “Big Three”—General Motors, Ford, and Fiat Chrysler Automobiles—were all nestled in Michigan, which provided a great environment for Shiga to satisfy its long-term interests. The program was advertised as an opportunity for young people in Michigan to learn Japanese and the nation’s culture. Moreover, it was a way to pull funds and U.S. talent to boost Japanese-U.S. business ties.

The exchange program did not come to fruition without controversy. The government of Shiga had built two buildings in Ann Arbor, Michigan, which were then gifted to the state to be the Michigan Center for Japanese Studies. The Michigan government also took part of its state budget and scholarship money to pay for the institute. This collaboration quickly became a hot button issue during a time when Americans saw Japan as a rising industrial threat. As a result, the program’s budget was cut in half and was sidelined by the creation of a private foundation.

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